The MNEs are not concerned with this "hidden" workforce at all. The brands put in money and governance structures, unions facilitated the process, the ILO acted as an observer and local factory owners cooperated and pitched in financially. It is the state’s responsibility to ensure workplace safety through national safety regulations, along with inspection and compliance mechanisms. But the workforce is very much visible: alive, kicking and sweating it out in the factories, and they belong to countries, to nation states. A Transition Accord was signed to take effect from May 2018, extending the activities for another three years. A 2019 Human Rights Watch report on the textile sector concedes that the government did not learn any lesson from the tragedy. There has been no outcome of the plan." The sourcing practices of international brands are instrumental in keeping wages down, it was stated in the report.After the deadly Baldia factory fire in 2012, the Sindh government, the Employers Federation of Pakistan and the Pakistan Workers’ Federation devised a joint action plan for Promoting Workplace Safety and Health in Sindh (2013-2016) with the ILO’s support.So, whose responsibility is it to ensure workplace safety — national governments and local stakeholders, or multinational enterprises (MNEs)? Indeed, MNEs cannot be absolved of responsibility for labour compliance in the global supply chain.
The Rana Plaza building collapse in 2013 led local and global trade unions, as well as over 220 international brands, to sign the five-year Bangladesh Accord on Fire and Building Safety. The accord did not benefit workers at the lowest end of the supply chain, but did help the Bangladeshi garments industry to clean up its image and receive more orders. A researcher notes that the brands are "paying less for garments today than they did before Rana Plaza. International brands stopped orders to about 500 factories that failed to take remedial measures. Workplace governance remains weak, and the implementation machinery incapable of making industrial and commercial establishments comply with safety regulations. In addition to mechanical and chemical hazards, fires pose the greatest risk, particularly in developing economies with substandard building structures. Five years later, 1,600 factories employing 2. Non-deformable Polyester stretch Company After a wage raise in the aftermath of the Rana Plaza disaster, the government revised minimum wages in September 2018, which were rejected by workers. In the final analysis, it is incumbent on the state to care for its workforce and put its own house in order. After a few brief extensions by the appellate court to allow for negotiations between the accord’s brands, trade unions and the government, the court recently gave its final verdict: It will be phased out in February 2020 and its operations handed over to the RMG Sustainability Council, an independent national compliance monitoring system being set up by the Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and Exporters Association.26 million workers were made safe with fire-rated doors, enclosed stairwells and fire alarm systems.The accord became controversial. The MNEs, however, get away without paying a fair price at the source.In Bangladesh — the world’s second-biggest exporter of ready-made garments — workers have suffered from numerous industrial accidents. In January this year, the government clashed with the protesting workers. According to an estimate, up to 94 per cent of the global supply chain’s workforce remains "hidden"..According to analysts, Bangladeshi garment workers get below poverty level wages.The accord, a monitoring and inspection agency put up by mostly Europe-based brands and retailers, has generated debate in the industry, labour circles and academia. Simultaneously, inside the workplace, it gave more power to brands. Factory owners had to spend money to improve workplace safety
